But Evil Concenctrate Must Be the Same Dream

Nobel Lecture*, December xi, 1964

The quest for peace and justice

It is impossible to begin this lecture without once more expressing my deep appreciation to the Nobel Committee of the Norwegian Parliament for bestowing upon me and the civil rights movement in the United States such a great honor. Occasionally in life in that location are those moments of unutterable fulfillment which cannot exist completely explained by those symbols called words. Their significant can only be articulated by the inaudible language of the eye. Such is the moment I am shortly experiencing. I experience this loftier and joyous moment not for myself alone but for those devotees of nonviolence who have moved and then courageously against the ramparts of racial injustice and who in the process have caused a new estimate of their ain homo worth. Many of them are immature and cultured. Others are heart aged and center form. The bulk are poor and untutored. Simply they are all united in the quiet conviction that it is better to suffer in dignity than to accept segregation in humiliation. These are the real heroes of the freedom struggle: they are the noble people for whom I accept the Nobel Peace Prize.

This night I would like to use this lofty and historic platform to hash out what appears to me to exist the most pressing problem against mankind today. Mod homo has brought this whole globe to an awe-inspiring threshold of the future. He has reached new and amazing peaks of scientific success. He has produced machines that call up and instruments that peer into the unfathomable ranges of interstellar space. He has congenital gigantic bridges to span the seas and gargantuan buildings to kiss the skies. His airplanes and spaceships have dwarfed distance, placed time in chains, and carved highways through the stratosphere. This is a dazzling picture of modern man's scientific and technological progress.

Yet, in spite of these spectacular strides in science and technology, and even so unlimited ones to come, something bones is missing. In that location is a sort of poverty of the spirit which stands in glaring contrast to our scientific and technological affluence. The richer we accept get materially, the poorer we take become morally and spiritually. We have learned to fly the air like birds and swim the body of water like fish, only we have not learned the uncomplicated art of living together every bit brothers.

Every homo lives in two realms, the internal and the external. The internal is that realm of spiritual ends expressed in art, literature, morals, and faith. The external is that circuitous of devices, techniques, mechanisms, and instrumentalities past means of which we alive. Our problem today is that we have allowed the internal to become lost in the external. Nosotros take allowed the means by which nosotros live to outdistance the ends for which we live. And then much of modern life can be summarized in that arresting dictum of the poet Thoreau^one: "Improved means to an unimproved end". This is the serious predicament, the deep and haunting problem confronting modern human. If we are to survive today, our moral and spiritual "lag" must be eliminated. Enlarged fabric powers spell enlarged peril if there is non proportionate growth of the soul. When the "without" of man's nature subjugates the "inside", dark storm clouds begin to form in the world.

This problem of spiritual and moral lag, which constitutes modern man'southward main dilemma, expresses itself in three larger problems which grow out of homo's upstanding infantilism. Each of these issues, while appearing to be separate and isolated, is inextricably leap to the other. I refer to racial injustice, poverty, and war.

The first problem that I would like to mention is racial injustice. The struggle to eliminate the evil of racial injustice constitutes one of the major struggles of our time. The nowadays upsurge of the Negro people of the United States grows out of a deep and passionate determination to brand freedom and equality a reality "here" and "now". In one sense the ceremonious rights movement in the Usa is a special American phenomenon which must exist understood in the light of American history and dealt with in terms of the American situation. But on some other and more of import level, what is happening in the United States today is a relatively small office of a world development.

We live in a day, says the philosopher Alfred North Whitehead²,"when civilization is shifting its bones outlook: a major turning bespeak in history where the presuppositions on which gild is structured are being analyzed, sharply challenged, and profoundly changed." What we are seeing now is a freedom explosion, the realization of "an idea whose time has come", to utilize Victor Hugo's phrase³. The deep rumbling of discontent that we hear today is the thunder of disinherited masses, rising from dungeons of oppression to the bright hills of liberty, in one imperial chorus the rising masses singing, in the words of our freedom vocal, "Ain't gonna allow nobody plow the states around."⁴ All over the world, like a fever, the freedom movement is spreading in the widest liberation in history. The bang-up masses of people are adamant to finish the exploitation of their races and land. They are awake and moving toward their goal like a tidal moving ridge. Yous can hear them rumbling in every hamlet street, on the docks, in the houses, among the students, in the churches, and at political meetings. Historic motility was for several centuries that of the nations and societies of Western Europe out into the rest of the globe in "conquest" of diverse sorts. That menstruation, the era of colonialism, is at an end. Due east is meeting Westward. The earth is being redistributed. Yes, nosotros are "shifting our basic outlooks".

These developments should not surprise any student of history. Oppressed people cannot remain oppressed forever. The yearning for freedom somewhen manifests itself. The Bible tells the thrilling story of how Moses stood in Pharaoh's court centuries ago and cried, "Allow my people become."⁵ This is a kind of opening chapter in a continuing story. The present struggle in the United States is a later chapter in the same unfolding story. Something within has reminded the Negro of his birthright of freedom, and something without has reminded him that it can be gained. Consciously or unconsciously, he has been caught up by the Zeitgeist, and with his black brothers of Africa and his brown and yellow brothers in Asia, Southward America, and the Caribbean, the Usa Negro is moving with a sense of great urgency toward the promised land of racial justice.

Fortunately, some meaning strides have been made in the struggle to terminate the long night of racial injustice. We have seen the magnificent drama of independence unfold in Asia and Africa. Merely xxx years ago there were simply iii independent nations in the whole of Africa. Merely today thirty-five African nations have risen from colonial bondage. In the Usa we accept witnessed the gradual demise of the system of racial segregation. The Supreme Courtroom's decision of 1954 outlawing segregation in the public schools gave a legal and constitutional deathblow to the whole doctrine of carve up but equal^vi. The Court decreed that separate facilities are inherently unequal and that to segregate a child on the basis of race is to deny that child equal protection of the law. This decision came as a beacon lite of hope to millions of disinherited people. So came that glowing day a few months ago when a potent Ceremonious Rights Pecker became the law of our land^seven. This neb, which was first recommended and promoted past President Kennedy, was passed considering of the overwhelming support and perseverance of millions of Americans, Negro and white. It came as a brilliant interlude in the long and sometimes turbulent struggle for civil rights: the commencement of a second emancipation proclamation providing a comprehensive legal ground for equality of opportunity. Since the passage of this bill we have seen some encouraging and surprising signs of compliance. I am happy to report that, by and large, communities all over the southern role of the United States are obeying the Civil Rights Law and showing remarkable good sense in the process.

Another indication that progress is existence made was found in the recent presidential election in the United States. The American people revealed great maturity by overwhelmingly rejecting a presidential candidate who had become identified with extremism, racism, and retrogression⁸. The voters of our nation rendered a telling blow to the radical right⁹. They defeated those elements in our lodge which seek to pit white against Negro and atomic number 82 the nation down a dangerous Fascist path.

Let me not go out you lot with a imitation impression. The problem is far from solved. We still have a long, long way to become before the dream of freedom is a reality for the Negro in the U.s.a.. To put it figuratively in biblical language, we take left the dusty soils of Egypt and crossed a Red Sea whose waters had for years been hardened past a long and piercing wintertime of massive resistance. Simply before we attain the majestic shores of the Promised Land, there is a frustrating and bewildering wilderness alee. We must all the same face prodigious hilltops of opposition and gigantic mountains of resistance. But with patient and business firm determination we will printing on until every valley of despair is exalted to new peaks of hope, until every mountain of pride and irrationality is made low by the leveling process of humility and compassion; until the rough places of injustice are transformed into a smooth plane of equality of opportunity; and until the crooked places of prejudice are transformed past the straightening process of bright-eyed wisdom.

What the master sections of the civil rights movement in the United States are proverb is that the demand for dignity, equality, jobs, and citizenship will not exist abandoned or diluted or postponed. If that means resistance and conflict we shall non flinch. We shall not be cowed. We are no longer afraid.

The word that symbolizes the spirit and the outward form of our encounter is nonviolence, and it is doubtless that factor which made it seem appropriate to accolade a peace prize to one identified with struggle. Broadly speaking, nonviolence in the civil rights struggle has meant not relying on arms and weapons of struggle. It has meant noncooperation with customs and laws which are institutional aspects of a regime of bigotry and enslavement. Information technology has meant direct participation of masses in protest, rather than reliance on indirect methods which oftentimes practise non involve masses in activeness at all.

Nonviolence has also meant that my people in the agonizing struggles of recent years have taken suffering upon themselves instead of inflicting it on others. It has meant, as I said, that nosotros are no longer afraid and cowed. Only in some substantial degree information technology has meant that we practise not want to instill fear in others or into the society of which we are a office. The movement does not seek to liberate Negroes at the expense of the humiliation and enslavement of whites. It seeks no victory over anyone. Information technology seeks to liberate American order and to share in the cocky-liberation of all the people.

Violence as a way of achieving racial justice is both impractical and immoral. I am not unmindful of the fact that violence often brings about momentary results. Nations have frequently won their independence in battle. But in spite of temporary victories, violence never brings permanent peace. It solves no social trouble: it merely creates new and more complicated ones. Violence is impractical because it is a descending spiral ending in destruction for all. It is immoral because it seeks to humiliate the opponent rather than win his agreement: information technology seeks to annihilate rather than catechumen. Violence is immoral because it thrives on hatred rather than love. It destroys community and makes brotherhood impossible. It leaves society in monologue rather than dialogue. Violence ends up defeating itself. It creates bitterness in the survivors and brutality in the destroyers.

In a existent sense nonviolence seeks to redeem the spiritual and moral lag that I spoke of earlier as the chief dilemma of modern human. It seeks to secure moral ends through moral means. Nonviolence is a powerful and simply weapon. Indeed, it is a weapon unique in history, which cuts without wounding and ennobles the man who wields information technology.

I believe in this method because I think it is the but style to reestablish a broken customs. It is the method which seeks to implement the only law by highly-seasoned to the conscience of the great decent majority who through blindness, fear, pride, and irrationality accept immune their consciences to sleep.

The irenic resisters can summarize their message in the following simple terms: we will accept directly action against injustice despite the failure of governmental and other official agencies to act commencement. We volition not obey unjust laws or submit to unjust practices. Nosotros will practice this peacefully, openly, cheerfully considering our aim is to persuade. We adopt the ways of nonviolence considering our end is a community at peace with itself. We will attempt to persuade with our words, merely if our words fail, we volition endeavor to persuade with our acts. We will always be willing to talk and seek fair compromise, but we are ready to suffer when necessary and even take chances our lives to become witnesses to truth equally we see it.

This approach to the problem of racial injustice is not at all without successful precedent. It was used in a magnificent way by Mohandas K. Gandhi to challenge the might of the British Empire and gratuitous his people from the political domination and economic exploitation inflicted upon them for centuries. He struggled but with the weapons of truth, soul force, non-injury, and courage^ten.

In the by ten years unarmed gallant men and women of the United States have given living testimony to the moral power and efficacy of nonviolence. By the thousands, faceless, bearding, relentless young people, black and white, have temporarily left the ivory towers of learning for the barricades of bias. Their courageous and disciplined activities accept come as a refreshing haven in a desert sweltering with the oestrus of injustice. They have taken our whole nation back to those slap-up wells of democracy which were dug deep by the founding fathers in the formulation of the Constitution and the Annunciation of Independence. One day all of America will be proud of their achievements^eleven.

I am only besides well aware of the human weaknesses and failures which exist, the doubts about the efficacy of nonviolence, and the open up advocacy of violence past some. But I am yet convinced that nonviolence is both the well-nigh practically sound and morally excellent way to grapple with the age-erstwhile problem of racial injustice.

A second evil which plagues the modern earth is that of poverty. Like a monstrous octopus, it projects its nagging, prehensile tentacles in lands and villages all over the globe. Well-nigh 2-thirds of the peoples of the earth go to bed hungry at night. They are undernourished, ill-housed, and shabbily clad. Many of them have no houses or beds to sleep in. Their only beds are the sidewalks of the cities and the dusty roads of the villages. Most of these poverty-stricken children of God accept never seen a doc or a dentist. This problem of poverty is not only seen in the class partition betwixt the highly developed industrial nations and the so-called underdeveloped nations; it is seen in the peachy economic gaps within the rich nations themselves. Take my own land for example. We have developed the greatest system of production that history has ever known. We accept get the richest nation in the earth. Our national gross product this year will reach the astounding effigy of almost 650 billion dollars. Yet, at least i-fifth of our fellow citizens – some ten 1000000 families, comprising near forty million individuals – are bound to a miserable culture of poverty. In a sense the poverty of the poor in America is more frustrating than the poverty of Africa and Asia. The misery of the poor in Africa and Asia is shared misery, a fact of life for the vast bulk; they are all poor together every bit a result of years of exploitation and underdevelopment. In lamentable dissimilarity, the poor in America know that they live in the richest nation in the world, and that even though they are perishing on a lonely island of poverty they are surrounded by a vast ocean of material prosperity. Glistening towers of glass and steel hands seen from their slum dwellings spring up almost overnight. Jet liners speed over their ghettoes at 600 miles an hour; satellites streak through outer space and reveal details of the moon. President Johnson, in his State of the Matrimony Message¹², emphasized this contradiction when he heralded the United States' "highest standard of living in the world", and deplored that it was accompanied past "dislocation; loss of jobs, and the specter of poverty in the midst of plenty".

Then information technology is obvious that if man is to redeem his spiritual and moral "lag", he must become all out to span the social and economic gulf betwixt the "haves" and the "have nots" of the world. Poverty is one of the nearly urgent items on the agenda of modern life.

There is nothing new about poverty. What is new, nevertheless, is that we take the resources to get rid of information technology. More than a century and a half agone people began to be disturbed about the twin bug of population and production. A thoughtful Englishman named Malthus wrote a book¹³ that set forth some rather frightening conclusions. He predicted that the homo family unit was gradually moving toward global starvation because the world was producing people faster than it was producing food and material to support them. Later scientists, however, disproved the decision of Malthus, and revealed that he had vastly underestimated the resources of the world and the resourcefulness of man.

Not as well many years ago, Dr. Kirtley Mather, a Harvard geologist, wrote a book entitled Plenty and to Spare ¹⁴. He gear up forth the basic theme that famine is wholly unnecessary in the modern world. Today, therefore, the question on the agenda must read: Why should at that place exist hunger and privation in whatsoever state, in whatsoever city, at any table when man has the resources and the scientific know-how to provide all mankind with the basic necessities of life? Fifty-fifty deserts can exist irrigated and top soil tin be replaced. We cannot complain of a lack of land, for there are twenty-5 million foursquare miles of tillable land, of which nosotros are using less than seven million. Nosotros have astonishing knowledge of vitamins, nutrition, the chemistry of food, and the versatility of atoms. In that location is no arrears in human resource; the deficit is in human will. The well-off and the secure have too often become indifferent and oblivious to the poverty and deprivation in their midst. The poor in our countries accept been shut out of our minds, and driven from the mainstream of our societies, because we have allowed them to go invisible. Merely as nonviolence exposed the ugliness of racial injustice, so must the infection and sickness of poverty be exposed and healed – not but its symptoms but its basic causes. This, too, volition exist a fierce struggle, but we must non exist afraid to pursue the remedy no matter how formidable the task.

The time has come up for an all-out world state of war confronting poverty. The rich nations must use their vast resources of wealth to develop the underdeveloped, schoolhouse the unschooled, and feed the unfed. Ultimately a neat nation is a compassionate nation. No individual or nation tin be great if it does not have a business organisation for "the least of these". Deeply etched in the fiber of our religious tradition is the conviction that men are fabricated in the image of God and that they are souls of infinite metaphysical value, the heirs of a legacy of nobility and worth. If we feel this every bit a profound moral fact, we cannot exist content to see men hungry, to see men victimized with starvation and ill wellness when we take the means to help them. The wealthy nations must become all out to bridge the gulf betwixt the rich minority and the poor majority.

In the final assay, the rich must non ignore the poor considering both rich and poor are tied in a unmarried garment of destiny. All life is interrelated, and all men are interdependent. The desperation of the poor diminishes the rich, and the salvation of the poor enlarges the rich. We are inevitably our brothers' keeper because of the interrelated structure of reality. John Donne interpreted this truth in graphic terms when he affirmed^xv:

No homo is an Iland, intire of its selfe: every
man is a peece of the Continent, a function of the
maine: if a Clod bee washed away by the Sea,
Europe is the lesse, equally well as if a Promontorie
were, as well as if a Mannor of thy friends
or of thine owne were: any mans decease
diminishes me, because I am involved in
Mankinde: and therefore never send to know
for whom the bell tolls: it tolls for thee.

A third great evil confronting our world is that of war. Recent events have vividly reminded u.s. that nations are not reducing simply rather increasing their arsenals of weapons of mass destruction. The best brains in the highly developed nations of the world are devoted to armed forces engineering. The proliferation of nuclear weapons has non been halted, in spite of the Limited Test Ban Treaty¹⁶. On the contrary, the detonation of an atomic device by the first nonwhite, non- Western, and and so-called underdeveloped power, namely the Chinese People's Republic¹⁷, opens new vistas of exposure of vast multitudes, the whole of humanity, to insidious terrorization by the always-present threat of annihilation. The fact that most of the time human being beings put the truth almost the nature and risks of the nuclear war out of their minds because it is likewise painful and therefore not "adequate", does non alter the nature and risks of such war. The device of "rejection" may temporarily cover up feet, but it does non bequeath peace of heed and emotional security.

So man's proneness to appoint in war is still a fact. But wisdom born of experience should tell united states that war is obsolete. There may take been a fourth dimension when war served as a negative proficient by preventing the spread and growth of an evil forcefulness, but the destructive power of modern weapons eliminated even the possibility that war may serve as a negative good. If nosotros assume that life is worth living and that man has a right to survive, then we must detect an alternative to war. In a day when vehicles hurtle through outer space and guided ballistic missiles carve highways of decease through the stratosphere, no nation can claim victory in war. A so-called limited war will get out niggling more than a calamitous legacy of human suffering, political turmoil, and spiritual disillusionment. A world war – God forestall! – volition leave simply smoldering ashes as a mute testimony of a homo race whose folly led inexorably to ultimate death. Then if modern homo continues to flirt unhesitatingly with war, he will transform his earthly habitat into an inferno such as even the listen of Dante could not imagine.

Therefore, I venture to suggest to all of you and all who hear and may eventually read these words, that the philosophy and strategy of nonviolence become immediately a subject for study and for serious experimentation in every field of human conflict, by no means excluding the relations betwixt nations. It is, after all, nation-states which brand state of war, which take produced the weapons which threaten the survival of mankind, and which are both genocidal and suicidal in grapheme.

Here besides we have aboriginal habits to deal with, vast structures of power, indescribably complicated issues to solve. But unless we abdicate our humanity altogether and succumb to fear and impotence in the presence of the weapons nosotros accept ourselves created, it is as imperative and urgent to put an end to war and violence between nations as information technology is to put an cease to racial injustice. Equality with whites will hardly solve the problems of either whites or Negroes if it means equality in a society under the spell of terror and a world doomed to extinction.

I practice non wish to minimize the complexity of the bug that need to exist faced in achieving disarmament and peace. But I call back it is a fact that we shall not take the will, the courage, and the insight to deal with such matters unless in this field we are prepared to undergo a mental and spiritual reevaluation – a alter of focus which will enable us to encounter that the things which seem most real and powerful are indeed now unreal and have come under the judgement of expiry. Nosotros need to make a supreme endeavor to generate the readiness, indeed the eagerness, to enter into the new world which is now possible, "the city which hath foundations, whose builder and maker is God"¹⁸.

Nosotros volition not build a peaceful world by following a negative path. It is not enough to say "We must not wage war." It is necessary to beloved peace and sacrifice for it. We must concentrate not merely on the negative expulsion of war, just on the positive affirmation of peace. At that place is a fascinating fiddling story that is preserved for us in Greek literature near Ulysses and the Sirens. The Sirens had the ability to sing so sweetly that sailors could non resist steering toward their island. Many ships were lured upon the rocks, and men forgot home, duty, and honor as they flung themselves into the sea to exist embraced by arms that drew them downwards to expiry. Ulysses, adamant not to be lured past the Sirens, first decided to necktie himself tightly to the mast of his boat, and his crew stuffed their ears with wax. But finally he and his crew learned a improve way to save themselves: they took on board the cute singer Orpheus whose melodies were sweeter than the music of the Sirens. When Orpheus sang, who bothered to mind to the Sirens?

So nosotros must set up our vision not merely on the negative expulsion of war, simply upon the positive affirmation of peace. We must run into that peace represents a sweeter music, a cosmic melody that is far superior to the discords of war. Somehow we must transform the dynamics of the world power struggle from the negative nuclear arms race which no one can win to a positive contest to harness man's creative genius for the purpose of making peace and prosperity a reality for all of the nations of the globe. In brusque, we must shift the arms race into a "peace race". If nosotros take the will and decision to mount such a peace offensive, we volition unlock hitherto tightly sealed doors of hope and transform our imminent catholic elegy into a psalm of artistic fulfillment.

All that I have said boils down to the indicate of affirming that mankind'southward survival is dependent upon man's ability to solve the bug of racial injustice, poverty, and war; the solution of these problems is in turn dependent upon homo squaring his moral progress with his scientific progress, and learning the practical art of living in harmony. Some years ago a famous novelist died. Among his papers was found a list of suggested story plots for futurity stories, the most prominently underscored existence this ane: "A widely separated family inherits a business firm in which they take to live together." This is the nifty new trouble of mankind. Nosotros have inherited a large firm, a great "world business firm" in which we take to live together – black and white, Easterners and Westerners, Gentiles and Jews, Catholics and Protestants, Moslem and Hindu, a family disproportionately separated in ideas, culture, and interests who, because we can never again live without each other, must acquire, somehow, in this i big world, to live with each other.

This means that more and more than our loyalties must become ecumenical rather than exclusive. Nosotros must now give an overriding loyalty to mankind equally a whole in lodge to preserve the all-time in our individual societies.

This call for a worldwide fellowship that lifts neighborly concern across one's tribe, race, grade, and nation is in reality a call for an all-embracing and unconditional love for all men. This oft misunderstood and misinterpreted concept so readily dismissed past the Nietzsches of the world as a weak and cowardly force, has now become an absolute necessity for the survival of man. When I speak of love I am not speaking of some sentimental and weak response which is little more than emotional bosh. I am speaking of that force which all of the smashing religions have seen as the supreme unifying principle of life. Beloved is somehow the central that unlocks the door which leads to ultimate reality. This Hindu-Moslem-Christian-Jewish-Buddhist belief near ultimate reality is beautifully summed up in the Offset Epistle of Saint John¹⁹:

Let united states beloved one another: for dearest is of God; and everyone
that loveth is born of God, and knoweth God.
He that loveth non knoweth non God; for God is honey.
If nosotros love i another, God dwelleth in us, and His
love is perfected in us.

Let us hope that this spirit volition become the club of the day. As Arnold Toynbee²⁰ says: "Honey is the ultimate force that makes for the saving choice of life and good confronting the damning pick of death and evil. Therefore the first hope in our inventory must be the hope that dearest is going to have the last give-and-take." We can no longer afford to worship the God of detest or bow earlier the chantry of retaliation. The oceans of history are fabricated turbulent past the ever-rising tides of hate. History is cluttered with the wreckage of nations and individuals that pursued this self-defeating path of hate. Love is the key to the solution of the problems of the world.

Let me close by maxim that I accept the personal faith that mankind will somehow ascension upward to the occasion and give new directions to an age drifting rapidly to its doom. In spite of the tensions and uncertainties of this period something greatly meaningful is taking identify. Old systems of exploitation and oppression are passing away, and out of the womb of a fragile world new systems of justice and equality are being born. Doors of opportunity are gradually existence opened to those at the bottom of society. The shirtless and barefoot people of the land are developing a new sense of "some-bodiness" and carving a tunnel of hope through the night mountain of despair. "The people who sat in darkness have seen a great light."²¹ Here and at that place an individual or group dares to love, and rises to the majestic heights of moral maturity. Then in a real sense this is a great fourth dimension to be alive. Therefore, I am not yet discouraged about the hereafter. Granted that the easygoing optimism of yesterday is impossible. Granted that those who pioneer in the struggle for peace and freedom will withal face uncomfortable jail terms, painful threats of expiry; they will still exist dilapidated by the storms of persecution, leading them to the nagging feeling that they can no longer bear such a heavy burden, and the temptation of wanting to retreat to a more quiet and serene life. Granted that we face a world crisis which leaves u.s. continuing so often amidst the surging murmur of life'due south restless sea. But every crunch has both its dangers and its opportunities. It tin can spell either salvation or doom. In a dark confused world the kingdom of God may still reign in the hearts of men.

* Dr. King delivered this lecture in the Auditorium of the University of Oslo. This text is taken from Les Prix Nobel en 1964. The text in the New York Times is excerpted. His speech of acceptance delivered the day before in the same place is reported fully both in Les Prix Nobel en 1964 and the New York Times.

1. Henry David Thoreau (1817-1862), American poet and essayist.

2. Alfred North Whitehead (1861-1947). British philosopher and mathematician, professor at the University of London and Harvard Academy.

3. "There is one thing stronger than all the armies in the world and that is an idea whose time has come up." Translations differ; probable origin is Victor Hugo, Histoire d'united nations crime, "Decision-La Chute", chap. 10.

4. "Own't Gonna Let Nobody Turn Me Around" is the championship of an old Baptist spiritual.

5. Exodus 5:ane; 8:1; ix:1; ten:3.

half dozen. "Brown vs. Lath of Education of Topeka", 347 U.S. 483, contains the decision of May 17, 1954, requiring desegregation of the public schools by the states. "Bolling vs. Sharpe", 347 U.S. 497, contains the decision of same date requiring desegregation of public schools past the federal government; i.e. in Washington, D.C. "Dark-brown vs. Board of Education of Topeka", Nos. 1-5. 349 U.S. 249, contains the opinion of May 31, 1955, on appeals from the decisions in the two cases cited above, ordering admission to "public schools on a racially nondiscriminatory ground with all deliberate speed".

7. Public Law 88-352, signed by President Johnson on July 2, 1964.

8. Both Les Prix Nobel and the New York Times read "retrogress".

nine. Lyndon B. Johnson defeated Barry Goldwater by a popular vote of 43, 128, 956 to 27,177,873.

10. For a note on Gandhi, seep. 329, fn. 1.

11. For accounts of the ceremonious rights activities by both whites and blacks in the decade from 1954 to 1964, see Alan F. Westin, Freedom Now: The Ceremonious Rights Struggle in America (New York: Basic Books, 1964), especially Part Iv, "The Techniques of the Civil Rights Struggle"; Howard Zinn, SNCC: The New Abolitionists (Boston: Beacon Printing, 1964); Eugene V. Rostow, "The Freedom Riders and the Future", The Reporter (June 22, 1961); James Peck, Bully the Color Line: Irenic Direct Action Methods of Eliminating Racial Bigotry (New York: CORE, 1960).

12. Jan viii, 1964.

13. Thomas Robert Malthus (1766-1834), An Essay on the Principle of Population (1798).

xiv. Kirtley F. Mather, Enough and to Spare: Mother Earth Can Nourish Every Man in Freedom (New York: Harper, 1944).

15. John Donne (1572?-1631), English poet, in the concluding lines of "Devotions" (1624).

xvi. Officially called "Treaty Banning Nuclear Weapons Tests in Temper, in Outer Space, and Underwater", and signed past Russian federation, England, and United states of america on July 25, 1963.

17. On October 16, 1964.

18. Hebrews Two: x.

19. I John 4:7-eight, 12.

20. Arnold Joseph Toynbee (1889- ), British historian whose monumental work is the 10-volume A Study of Story (1934-1954).

21. This quotation may exist based on a phrase from Luke 1:79, "To give calorie-free to them that sit in darkness and in the shadow of death"; or one from Psalms 107:ten, "Such as sit in darkness and in the shadow of expiry"; or 1 from Marking Twain'south To the Person Sitting in Darkness (1901), "The people who sit down in darkness have noticed it …".

Original program for Martin Luther Male monarch Jr.'s visit to Oslo (pdf 55 kB)
Kindly provided by the Norwegian Nobel Institute

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